America Eats its Young: Arizona communities embrace use of private prison employees in drug raids at public schools

By Beau Hodai, November 27, 2012

An unsettling trend appears to be underway in Arizona: the use of private prison employees in law enforcement operations.

The state has graced national headlines in recent years as the result of its cozy relationship with the for-profit prison industry. Such controversies have included the role of private prison corporations in SB 1070 and similar anti-immigrant legislation disseminated in other states; a 2010 private prison escape that resulted in two murders and a nationwide manhunt; and a failed bid to privatize nearly the entire Arizona prison system.

And now, recent events in the central Arizona town of Casa Grande show the hand of private corrections corporations reaching into the classroom, assisting local law enforcement agencies in drug raids at public schools.

Trick or Treat

At 9 a.m. on the morning of October 31, 2012, students at Vista Grande High School in Casa Grande were settling in to their daily routine when something unusual occurred.

Vista Grande High School Principal Tim Hamilton ordered the school — with a student population of 1,776 — on “lock down,” kicking off the first “drug sweep” in the school’s four-year history. According to Hamilton, “lock down” is a state in which, “everybody is locked in the room they are in, and nobody leaves — nobody leaves the school, nobody comes into the school.” Continue reading

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AFSC investigation: Arizona Department of Corrections, Legislature, knew private prisons bad deal for state– eliminated oversight anyway

July 24, 2012

By Caroline Isaacs, program director, American Friends Service Committee Tucson

Documents recently obtained by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) show that the state of Arizona deliberately circumvented and ultimately repealed a state law requiring private for-profit prison corporations to demonstrate cost savings in their bids on new prison contracts. These records reveal that the state was aware that existing private prison contracts were not saving the state money–despite state laws requiring private prison contractors to deliver such savings.

In response to the actions of the AFSC and other concerned Arizona citizens, parties within the Arizona government–parties demonstrably under the influence of the for-profit prison industry– have repealed laws regulating contract awards to such vendors based on cost savings and quality of service criteria.

One such statute, ARS 41-1609.01 (G), stated:

A proposal shall not be accepted unless the proposal offers cost savings to this state. Cost savings shall be determined based upon the standard cost comparison model for privatization established by the Director.”

In response to a public records request, the Arizona Department of Corrections (ADC) has confirmed that the “standard cost comparison model” referred to in the statute is the Department of Corrections Operating Per Capita Cost Report (Per Capita Cost Report).

For the past six years, these reports have consistently found that private prisons are not saving the state money, and in many cases, the private beds cost more than equivalent public beds. In fact, an AFSC analysis of ADC Per Capita Cost Reports revealed that between 2008-2010, Arizona overpaid for its private prison beds by $10 million. Continue reading

Posted in Campaign finance, Conflicts of interest, Corruption, Criminal Justice, Investigative report, Jiffy Squid, Lobbying and Special Interests, Private Prison Industry, Public records, Public-private partnerships | Tagged , , , , | Comments Off

Investigative report: “Quid pro Status Quo: ALEC and State-Sanctioned Corruption in Ohio

Quid pro Status Quo: ALEC and State-Sanctioned Corruption in Ohio

By Beau Hodai, May, 2012

Download report in PDF format

View source materials directory for this article

Part 1: Legislative Service with a Smile

“Quid pro quo: something given or received for something else”

– Merriam-Webster Dictionary

At about ten o’clock on the morning of March 23, 2011, Faith Williams walked into the office of Ohio House Majority Whip John Adams (R-District 78). Williams, a lobbyist with firm, Bricker & Eckler, LLP (Bricker), had an appointment to speak with Adams about an “economic development study” created by some of her clients in the life insurance industry.

Somehow during the course of this meeting– though both Adams and Williams told DBA Press and the Center for Media and Democracy (DBA/CMD) that they have no recollection of how this came to pass– two noteworthy subjects were discussed: a proposed amendment to the state’s 2011 budget, and possible support for the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) Ohio “scholarship fund.”

At 4:06 p.m. the following day, March 24, Williams emailed a copy of the discussed budget amendment to Adams Senior Legislative Aide Kara Joseph. In the email, Williams expressed her gratitude to Adams for agreeing to run the amendment by House Speaker Bill Batchelder (R-District 69) for insertion into the 2011 budget.

The proposed budget amendment was a 12-page portion of a more than 80-page piece of “model legislation,” known as the “Insurer Receivership Model Act” (IRMA), adopted by the National Association of Insurance Commissioners (NAIC) in 2005. Essentially, the amendment– an extremely technical, industry-specific item– would allow “Ohio-domicilled” life insurers to engage in a practice known as “derivatives netting.” This practice essentially allows insurers to lump their assets, losses and unfulfilled obligations into one tradable commodity. This practice, according to IRMA proponents, would help troubled insurers to “manage risks.”

According to records obtained by DBA/CMD from the office of Rep. Adams though public records requests, the amendment appears to have been advanced by Williams on behalf of an Ohio insurance industry trade association, the Association of Ohio Life Insurance Companies (AOLIC). AOLIC, one of Williams’ top clients at the time of the Adams meeting, is comprised of 13 life insurance insurers operating in Ohio.

At 8:45 the following morning, March 25, Joseph responded to Williams’ email.

“It was a pleasure meeting you too!’ wrote Joseph. “Rep. Adams was wondering if you could send me the contact names for the 4 insurance companies that are in Cincinnati so that he can call them next week for ALEC. He was also interested in asking you which ones would be most receptive to participating in ALEC?” Continue reading

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This is what censorship sounds like

April 23, 2011

On Monday, April 23, the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) held a telephonic press conference to discuss what the group referred to as “the latest harassment tactic against ALEC by liberal front groups.” DBA Press founder, Beau Hodai, joined the call as a member of the press– only to discover (or rediscover) that the affinity he feels for ALEC is not reciprocated.

Hodai was kicked off the media conference call twice– both times after attempting to ask ALEC legal counsel Alan Dye a question. Following Hodai’s second attempt to ask the ALEC representative a question, a call operator informed him that he was being barred from the call because he was not a member of the “credentialed” media. Hodai informed the operator that he was, in fact, “credentialed” with the U.S. House of Representatives. After a momentary hold, the operator informed Hodai that ALEC would not permit him to rejoin the call– regardless of media credentials.

Hodai has been reporting on ALEC for nearly three years for publications such as: In These Times, PR Watch (of the Center for Media and Democracy), Extra! (of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting), Prison Legal News and DBA Press. ALEC has, on multiple occasions, made its distaste for Hodai’s reporting abundantly clear.

LISTEN TO AUDIO: THIS IS WHAT CENSORSHIP SOUNDS LIKE

The “latest harassment tactic” aimed at ALEC, as explained by Dye in both the conference and a concurrent press release, is a formal complaint submitted to the IRS by Common Cause. Continue reading

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